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Table of contents

The USA prefers to have its geostrategic. We shall return to this question of the hegemonic nature of US resurgence m the conclusion to this book, when we discuss possible scenarios for the future. In Part IT we described the transformatrve directions of the world capitalist system. While it is over-ambitious to pID one label on the totality of all the complex, interactive changes, some writers never- theless suggest that these changes add up to a transformation of capitalism from its modern stage to a postmodern stage.

Crucially, as Fedric Jameson has argued, this transformation does not penmt developmg countries to complete the project of modernity. For international capital, moving rapidly from one low-wage situation to the next, only cybernetic technology and postmodern investment opportunities are ultimately attractive.

Yet, ill the new international system, few countries can seal. Thus the disappearance of the 'Third World' is a constitutional I feature of postmodern, or what I prefer to call - globalized capital- lSID. Acknowledging that the Third World is no longer a umtary category or has a homogeneous identity, the aim ill this part of the book is to capture the differential unpact on, and responses to, globalization m those regions of the world that used to be gathered under the label 'Third World'.

Nevertheless, in describing those regions and those responses as 'postcolomal' I borrow a theoretical concept for which I first must give some Justification and offer clarification. For what indeed is the pomt of erasmg one unitary label, only to scribble in another? Part of the answer, pragmatically, lies m the popularity that the concept enjoys today. And since a central purpose of this book is to introduce key contemporary trends and issues, I cannot ignore the.

Need- which claims as Its special provenance the field that used to go by less to say, this has led to largely fruitless debates between the two the name of 'Third World studies' or 'development studies', camps, But over and above this, I do believe that the concept has heur- In her critique of postmoderrusm. Ellen Meiksms Wood reminds istic value because of its timeliness: it has entered the lexicon of us of how the sociologist C. Wright Mills had formulated! In the reshuffled order of marked the onset of the postmodern age. First, such such terms can the connections of structures and milieux that affect studies dispute that one can infer 'identity' by looking at matenal these values today be traced and causal analyses be conducted" , relations alone.

Globalization and the postcolonial world : the new political economy of development | UTS Library

Cross-border migrations so, and thus it is With postcolonial theory! In fact, much of the , have resulted m fragmentation and heterogenous rruxes of belong- debate surrounding the use of the term 'postcolomal' repeats muta- ' ing, and loyalties and political allegiances. While It stances, namely to distmguish between postmodernism as 'condi- seems to be succeeding in 'destabilizing' the development debate. It non' and postmodernism as 'critique'.

The New Political Economy of Development

Following Arif Dirlik, who has tried to bnng Let us first examme the concept and these debates more fully before the postcolonial discourse into the arena of global political eco- deciding on how we can best make use of It in orgamzmg the nomy," I mtend to treat postcolonial discourse as a 'cultural condi- chapters m this part of the book. In short, we shall understand what' The Postcolonial: Condition and Discourse 'postcolonial' is from an understanding of how, and why it all began.

Based on a stnct semantic mterpretation one would tlunk that the The term 'postcolorual' is a member of a family of 'post' literature. And, as IS after formal colonialism has ended. JlUlls us mto a intended to mean now. Ella Shohat, in her cnsp interrogation of the semantrc trap. It expresses an eprstemologicakbreak "with the all- concept, describes It as 'a designation for cntical discourses which the- encompassmg totality of Western thought andscientific tradition matize Issues emerging from colorual relations and their aftermath, while also SIgnalling an epochal sequentiality.

The problem, how- covering a long historical span including the present. Thusl 'postcolonial' implies a movement going beyond ann-colonial In First-World academe, Third-World scholars found a welcome natronalist theory as well as a movement beyond a specific point in home and symbiotic environment in the burgeoning discipline, and history, that of colonialism alldTlurd-World nationalist struggles.

Cultural studies began as literature Noting how historical specificity collapses under chronological critique in English literature and linguistics departments, as did diversity, Shohat asks, somewhat impatiently, 'When, exactly, then, postcolonial studies subsequently. The central terrain and mode of does the "post-colonial" begin?

The term originated, in the mids, among Tlurd-World scholars are literature and literature criticism. Tlns too matches the careers In First-World universities.

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Whether forced into exile, or as voluntary emigres, they igates the creation of rneanmg m, and as a formative part of, a have regrouped around a discourse of identity that owes less to whole way of life, the whole world of sense-making descnptions, I geographicJocation and national origin than to subject POSIt This explanations, interpretations, valuations of an kinds in societies confluence of historical and biograplucal details explains much of understood as historical material organizations.

Its terrain of the epistemology and substantive theory that was to emerge. It IS political and polemical and massively irritating to IS no, longer structural but discursive. That IS to say, It IS the parti- structural Marxists in so far as It argues that the masses are not cipation m the discourse that defines the postcolonial.

Their parti- -v. I political orgamzation.. Cultural studies does this first by deconstructing the texts, words, names, labels and definitions of the situation that have been discourse thus engages with global times, postcolonial cnttcs, with authored by the dominant groups, and next by givmg people of an few exceptions, do not interrogate that relationship because they subordinated groups - women, blacks, gays, peasants and indigen- repudiate a foundational role to capitalism III history.

Let us now turn to postcolonial discourse, or postcolonial critique, Itself. Within this broad field and style ofenquiry, postcolonial discourse Postcolonial Formations nestled organically to engage m a radical rethmk and reformulation i I of forms of knowledge and SOCIal identities authored and authonzed One does not have to buy into the whole of the postcolonial discourse by colonialism and Western domination. For example, It critiques to appreciate that the concept has merits in helping us to understand both the idea and the practice of 'development' as well as the concept the diversity of development and underdevelopment trajectories m of the Thud World as part of a Eurocentnc discourse of control and these global times.

It IS the colonial and neocolonial expenence land subordination. Much of this literature rewrites and 'counter-appro- the manner in which the aftermath interacts With globalization,",that priates' the history of the 'subalterns' the subordinated 'others' , illummates the different outcomes, namely a different postcolonial makmg their voices of resistance heard past and present , reversing formation m various parts of the world system at the same tune. As onentalist thought, and decolonizing the mind.

The goal is to undo the titles of these chapters suggest, we shall stndy these different all partitioning strategies between centre and periphery as well as all forms of the postcolomal condition in four major zones of the other 'binarisrns that are the legacy ofcolonial ways of thinking, and world. While the word "zone' still carries WIth It a notion of area- to reveal societies globally in their complex heterogeneity and con- specific location, there is nevertheless a certam fluidity and ambiguity tmgency.

In this way, postcolomal discourse alms to reconstruct the between the area-referennal emphasis and the subject-positional one.

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Debt, and discourse and It IS a good example of the 'reverse value-coding' that deregulation following punitive structural adjustment programmes, Gyan Praleash speales of as one of the strategies of the discourse. Moreover, the ImpOSI- rated and privileged as a kind of supenor cultnral mtelligence non of the neo-liberal orthodoxy, coupled WIth tbe insistence on through the advantage of 'in-betweenness', the straddling of two electoral reform and democracy, has not only underrruned the state cultnres and the consequent ability to 'negotiate the difference'.

Political Economy Approach to Globalisation

The ensumg political emer- liberatory 'people' who mitiate the productive instability of revolu- gencies have drawn m the international donor cornrnunity m a form tionary cultural change are themselves the bearers of hybrid iden- of contamment activity that may be summed up as the management tlty. Namely that, poration. It IS a management of exclusion that IS becommg char- rather than being eliminated by modernity, many 'traditional cul- actenstic of the manner m which other areas at the edge of'the tnres' survive through their transformative engagement With global system are also being treated.

P In the ensumg chapters of this book we shall encounter In Chapter 9 we examine the postcolorual condition of militant illustrations of this 'hybridization' in each of the 'zones' of develop- Islam. We argue that the failure of the neocolomal, developmental- ment that we shall be discussing, whether It be the Confucianization 1St period has interacted WIth the historical cultural tradition of of modernity, as in East ASIa, or the postdevelopment trajectories of Islamic spiritual renewal and ItS subjection to cultnral imperialism.

Latm-American peasant communities and slum dwellers. It IS dear that this anti-developmental postcolomal posinon, again, IS one m which the area referent and subject positron become 8 fused. The anu-devetopmentatism of militant Islam IS different m ItS origins and expression from both the managementofexclusion m Sub- Saharan Afnca and the postdevelopment response m Laun Amenca. The global process of transformation IS neither even nor unop- posed. In Chapter 10 we look at the expenence of the 'dev- Africa: Exclusion and the elopmental' states in East Asia which testify to the possibilities of national territorial accumulation and defensive regional alliances.

It Containment of Anarchy IS an experience that owes as mnch to the end of the Cold War and Pax Americana as it does to the very same historical process of capitalist expansion and integration that penpheralized and margin- alized other areas and communities m the world system.

Here too there are lessons to be learnt from the locally-specific contestation ofthis postcolorual condition that may hold out the promise of Debates on Sub-Saharan Afnca SSAj usually begin with a "enu- successful replication m other areas of the periphery of the global ,I flexion, to.


I unpossibility of making generalizatIOns. Yet once such qualifica- Chapter 11 looks at Latm America, where the postmodern turn m nons are out of the way, the commonality of Africa's colonial and development studies has gone furthest in promoting a postdevelop- I postcolonial history asserts Itself soon enough, to reveal comparable mentalist philosophy of liberation. Postdevelopment theory and econonuc structures and political dynanucs. Early post-mdependence growth, ways oflivmg With It and imaginatively transcending it. Muchofthe while still externally dependent, was nevertheless a source of hope creative thinking about new social movements and thedevelopment and optmusm.

But tills was followed by stagnation and negative of crvi! Yet, as before, the growth In all but a very few countnes for example, Mauritius, hybrid forms of struggle and local experimentations with alternallve Botswana as earlier forms of mcorporation into the international social and economic organization are not exclusive to Latin Amer- division of labour were rendered obsolete when the world economic tea] but are also found elsewhere, including the heartland of the system globalized and entered what Manuel Castells has referred to traditional core of the capitalist system.

Thus, these 'postdevelop- as the 'newest' international division of labour. I Since the mids, ments' also reflect conditions, and inspire responses, that may be of Afnca's primary commodities trade has collapsed, from Just over 7 relevance to other social groups and localities withm the global per cent of world trade to less than 0.

The exclusionary logic of the present globalized world order IS most dramatically attested in foreign direct invest- ment FDI flows. Africa's share of all FDI flows to developing countnes has dropped from 13 per cent in to less than 5 per cent in the late s. Pnvate non-public guaranteed finance now contributes less than a tenth of the resource flows into the continent, the rest being made up of various forms of. However, the prevailing monetarist ideology WIth anda of agreement and letters of intent exchanged between tbem Its emphasis on deregulation and privatization, and on the reduc- and the debtor countnes tbat bas released, in complex and inter- tion of the SIze and influence of the public sector, pernuts only one active packages, official and commercial credit flows.

Structural adjustment is the genenc term used to describe a It is therefore no coincidence that the s, at least until the package of measures which the IMF. As of the outstanding stock of Thud-World debt was ongmaIJy con- Adrian Leftwich notes, tbe aim of adjustment was to shatter the tracted at low, fixed interest rates m the mids. They were, donunant postwar, state-led development paradigm and overcome however, rescheduled m the early s when floating and rIS1Og the problems of developmental stagnation by promoting open and interest rates prevailed.

The sharply increased conunercial world- free competitive market economies. It includes currency devaluation, deregulation of pnces and The outcome was that, since , and for the first tune in the wages, reduction of public spending on social programmes and state postwar penod, officially recorded capital outflows from the Third bureaucracies, removal of food subsidies and others on baSIC neces- World countries to the core countries annually exceeded the monies sities.

Clairrnont and J. P m an and the expansion of the export sector: the latter - in the case of article published m and covering the period , have agriculture - often at the expense offood production. The officially- added to these figures an estimate of flight capital and profit remitt- stated aims of these policies was to stabilize domestIc economies. According to core countnes over that penod. Allowing for pnce inflation, tlus cntics.!

In this capacity tbey have been able to affect profoundly the organization of production and trade m the pen- The s saw twenty-nine Sub-Saharan African countries accept phery to tbe benefit of the core of tbe world capitalist system.